Interview with Award-Winning International Journalist Philip Obaji Jr.

Philip Obaji Jr., independent journalist, is one of the leading experts on Russian influence in Africa. INVED Head Editor Dietmar Pichler met him twice and asked him about his insights, experiences, and motives.

1)
We have met several times, and I realize I never asked what initially sparked your personal interest in researching and reporting on Russian influence and activities in Africa.

My interest in researching and reporting on Russian influence and activities in Africa was sparked in 2018. At the time, I had been working as a freelance correspondent for The Daily Beast since 2015, mainly covering counter-insurgency and conflicts in West and Central Africa.

Then something happened that changed everything: three Russian journalists—Orkhan Dzhemal, Alexander Rastorguyev, and Kirill Radchenko—traveled to the Central African Republic to investigate the early operations of the Wagner Group, which had just started operating there. They were murdered in a remote area, and no one was ever held accountable.

My editor at the time, Christopher Dickey, asked me to look into it and see what I could uncover. I collaborated closely with our Russian correspondent, Anna Nemtsova, and we managed to piece together a detailed story about exactly how they were killed and the hours leading up to their deaths.

That assignment opened my eyes to what was really going on with the Wagner Group in the Central African Republic. It triggered a deeper curiosity—I wanted to understand why Wagner had entered the country in the first place, what their true motives were, and the broader implications of Russia’s growing footprint in Africa.

Most of all, I felt a personal sense of responsibility to those three journalists who lost their lives doing the same kind of work I do. Honoring their memory by continuing to investigate and expose these activities became a driving force for me. That’s how my focus on Russian paramilitaries, their human rights abuses, resource exploitation, disinformation campaigns, and wider influence across the continent began—and I’ve been pursuing it relentlessly ever since.

2)
Your work involves significant risks, especially during local investigations. What has been your most frightening experience so far?

One of the most frightening experiences I’ve had in my work happened in December 2023 in the Central African Republic. I was there investigating human rights abuses and massacres linked to Russian paramilitaries—the Wagner Group—and their operations in the country.

In Béloko in the Central African Republic, while trying to speak with artisanal miners who were fleeing conflict in villages in northwestern Central Africa Republic to border communities in Cameroon, I was abducted by Central African soldiers. They were acting directly on orders from the Russian paramilitaries who control so much there. They arrested me, detained me, and beat me severely. It was clear they wanted to intimidate me into stopping my reporting—or worse. I was tortured, and at that moment, I genuinely thought I might not make it out alive. The pain was intense, the threats were real, and being in such a remote, lawless area made escape feel impossible.

Somehow, I survived and managed to get away, but I carried the injuries for a while afterward. Even then, I pushed through to keep documenting the stories of the victims, especially the young girls who had endured horrific abuses. That incident remains the closest I’ve come to death in the field. It reminded me just how dangerous it is to expose these atrocities when powerful, armed groups want them hidden.

But I won’t stop. The truth about what’s happening in places like CAR, Mali, Sudan, and beyond needs to be told, no matter the risks.

3)
What are the main areas of your investigations?

My main areas of investigation center on the brutal realities unfolding in West and Central Africa, where powerful forces exploit vulnerable people and resources with near-total impunity.

For the past several years—really since around 2018—much of my work has focused on Russian paramilitary groups like the Wagner Group (and now its successor, Africa Corps). I’ve documented over 100 instances of their atrocities: massacres, rapes, torture, summary executions, attacks on refugee camps and mining villages, and the systematic plundering of gold, diamonds, and other minerals to fund Russia’s war efforts elsewhere. These operations often involve close ties with local governments, leading to coups, security contracts, disinformation campaigns, and political instability. I’ve reported from places like the Central African Republic and Mali, where these groups create a climate of terror while displacing communities and controlling key resources.

4)
Can you explain more specifically how Russian propaganda operates in African countries?

Russian propaganda in African countries isn’t some abstract thing, I’ve seen it up close, embedded in the very media landscapes and social fabrics of places like the Central African Republic, Mali, Burkina Faso, and beyond. Over the years, through investigations with teams like Al Jazeera, I’ve uncovered how it’s not just sloppy misinformation but a sophisticated, state-orchestrated machine designed to erode trust in Western institutions, prop up pro-Russian regimes, and fuel chaos that serves Moscow’s geopolitical goals. Let me break it down more specifically, based on what I’ve documented.

First, one of the most insidious tactics is the use of “ghost reporters” or fake journalists who are nonexistent people and whose bylines flood local outlets with pro-Kremlin narratives. These aren’t real writers; they’re fabricated personas created by Russian operatives, often tied to intelligence fronts like the FSB. In francophone West and Central Africa alone, we’ve traced over 200 such articles published in more than a dozen countries, covering everything from anti-French coups to claims that Western NGOs are behind insurgencies. Local media gets paid a modest fee—about $80 per piece—to run them without scrutiny, making it look like organic African voices are echoing Russia’s line. It’s cheap, deniable, and devastatingly effective at shaping public opinion during elections or unrest.

Then there’s the overt media push through outlets like RT Africa and Sputnik, which have been banned in much of Europe but thrive here. They don’t just broadcast; they invest in soft power by hosting training workshops, all-expenses-paid trips to Moscow, and scholarships for African journalists, influencers, and students. The goal? Turn credible voices into unwitting amplifiers of disinformation. I’ve interviewed attendees who came back praising Russia’s “anti-imperialist” stance, only to parrot lines about how NATO is the real terrorist in the Sahel. This blends with social media ops: troll farms and bots flood platforms like WhatsApp and Facebook with memes, deepfakes, and viral clips blaming the West for famines or coups, often timed to coincide with Wagner/Africa Corps activities on the ground.

5)
Discussing African politics also requires understanding that Africa is a continent, not a country, and that political environments and dynamics vary widely. Which countries are currently most central to your work?

You’re absolutely right, Africa is a vast continent of 54 countries, each with its own unique political landscapes, ethnic dynamics, colonial legacies, and power struggles. Lumping it all together as “African politics” misses the nuances that make my reporting so challenging and necessary. My work doesn’t try to cover the whole continent; instead, I zero in on the hotspots where foreign powers, especially Russia, are exploiting chaos for their own gain, often at the expense of ordinary people.
Right now, as of early 2026, the countries most central to my investigations are in West and Central Africa, particularly the Central African Republic (CAR), Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso. These places have become ground zero for Russia’s expanding footprint through paramilitary groups like the Wagner Group, disinformation campaigns, resource grabs, and hybrid tactics that fuel instability.

My goal remains the same: shine a light on these forgotten fronts so the world can’t ignore how one power’s ambitions are wrecking lives across borders. The risks are real, but the victims’ stories demand it.

6)
You have been attacked as a “Western-paid traitor” and with similar slurs. How do you deal with this hostility and with people who give you unsolicited “lectures”?

I’ve been called many things: “Western-paid traitor,” “sellout,” “enemy of the state.” None of it is new. When you investigate powerful interests, whether they are governments, corporations, or armed groups, you quickly learn that discrediting the messenger is often easier than confronting the message.
The attacks intensified after my investigations into abuses linked to actors like the Wagner Group in parts of Africa. When your reporting touches on sensitive geopolitical interests, it becomes convenient for some people to frame you as working for “the West” or for some shadowy sponsor. It’s a familiar script.
How do I deal with it?
First, I remind myself why I do this work. I am a journalist. My loyalty is to the truth and to the people whose stories are too often ignored. I don’t report for governments — Western or otherwise. I report because communities affected by violence and exploitation deserve to be heard. That clarity of purpose keeps me steady.
Second, I try not to internalize insults. Being labeled a “traitor” says more about the accuser’s discomfort than about my integrity. If someone cannot refute documented evidence, attacking my motives becomes their fallback. I’ve learned to see that hostility as a sign that the work matters.
As for unsolicited “lectures,” especially from people who assume they understand Africa better than Africans, I approach them with a mix of patience and boundaries. Sometimes I engage. If the person is genuinely curious or misinformed, conversation can be productive. Other times, I disengage. Not every comment deserves a response, and not every critic is interested in dialogue.
I also rely on community—fellow journalists, editors, human rights advocates. Journalism can feel isolating, especially when you’re under attack, but solidarity reminds you that you’re not alone. When I received recognition like the One World Media Awards, it wasn’t validation against critics; it was reassurance that rigorous, evidence-based reporting still has value.
Ultimately, hostility comes with the territory of accountability journalism. I don’t measure my work by how comfortable it makes powerful people—I measure it by whether it sheds light where there was darkness. If that provokes anger, so be it. I’d be more worried if it didn’t.

7)
Recently you have been to Ukraine, can you tell us something about the trip?

Yes, I recently had the chance to visit Ukraine, and it was one of the most eye-opening and moving experiences of my career.
I was invited by the Mission of the President of Ukraine in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea to attend events and speak about the connections I’ve been reporting on for years—how Russia exploits Africa’s resources and people to fuel its war there. From the gold mines in CAR and Mali to the recruitment of desperate young Africans tricked into fighting on the front lines, the threads all lead back to Ukraine. Seeing the reality on the ground made those links even clearer and more urgent.

I spent time in Kyiv and other areas, meeting incredible people—resilient civilians, journalists, activists, and everyday Ukrainians who’ve endured so much yet remain warm, generous, and full of hope. The hospitality they showed me, an African journalist coming to tell stories about how their fight intersects with ours in Africa, was overwhelming. They welcomed me like family, shared their experiences openly, and reminded me why truth-telling matters in dark times.

I also got to connect with those affected by the same Russian tactics I’ve documented: the disinformation, the resource plundering, the human cost. Hearing directly from Ukrainians about the invasion, the occupation, and their determination to resist put everything into sharper focus. It strengthened my resolve to keep exposing how Moscow’s operations in Africa aren’t isolated—they’re part of a bigger strategy to sustain this war and destabilize others.

I’m proud I made the trip. I’m proud of the Ukrainian people and their unbreakable spirit. Even amid air alerts and the constant shadow of conflict, their courage and kindness left a deep mark on me.

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Philip Obaji Jr. can be supported on GoFundMe. Information about his fundraiser and updates on his work can be found on X (@PhilipObaji) and Bluesky (@philipobaji.bsky.social).